Those who paid attention to Congress during Donald Trump’s first term in the White House will likely recall the chaos of the era. There were multiple Democrat-led investigations and numerous impeachment attempts over Trump’s alleged behavior before he even took office. Every act he then took as president – and every bombastic statement he made – seemed to set the left off with new bouts of Trump Derangement Syndrome (TDS), leading to even more attempts to remove him from office either by impeachment or by the 25th Amendment. And, when those attempts inevitably failed, there was always screaming at the sky, attacking Trump supporters, and even rioting, looting, and, in general, making a mess wherever the “protesters” happened to go.
Now the Donald is back in office again. So, why would anybody expect things to be different?
TDS and Impeachable Impeachments
Donald Trump hasn’t been president for a whole month yet, and already it begins anew. Representative Al Green, a Democrat from Texas, spoke on the House floor Wednesday, February 5, announcing his plan to “bring articles of impeachment against the president for dastardly deeds proposed, and dastardly deeds done.”
Say what you will about Al Green’s shot at impeaching the president – The Daily Caller referred to him as the “Dem Who Failed To Make 3 Trump Impeachments Stick” – but the man gets points for style alone. And a good thing, too, as style is about all his impeachment plan has going for it. Dastardly deeds proposed, and dastardly deeds done. It’s enough to make any writer’s heart flutter, even if it doesn’t demonstrate that an impeachable offense was committed.
Rep. Green understands the realities on the ground. Even if there were an actual crime, the chances of his impeachment attempt succeeding are slim to none simply because of mathematics. Republicans hold the majority in the House, and a majority is needed to pass an article of impeachment. Then there’s the Senate, which would decide whether to convict or acquit based on that impeachment – also, in this case, held by a Republican majority. Is it any wonder, then, that Green isn’t bothering to lobby a single one of his comrades in Congress to push this through?
But, of course, actual impeachable offenses aren’t required. Or, rather, what defines an impeachable offense is dictated by the majority. This we have from former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) herself, who declared it as such when the Democrat-led House impeached Trump over discussions with foreign leaders – a phone call to Ukraine and some alleged “collusion” with Russia. The next time around was for inciting insurrection – which, had he actually done, would have at least been an actual crime. But it was about as legit as the first impeachment – or, for that matter, as Green’s is now.
Democratic Delays
House Democrats aren’t the only ones coming face to face with the inevitability of the red trifecta, however. In the Senate, Democrats are doing all they can to stop the confirmation of Trump’s Cabinet nominees. Unfortunately for them, that doesn’t amount to much.
With a 53-47 majority and only a simple majority needed to confirm an appointee, Republicans don’t have to be entirely united to put Trump’s picks to work. Short of convincing four Republicans to oppose a confirmation, there’s nothing the Democrats can do to stop them. Even with three GOP turncoats, a 50-50 vote means Vice President JD Vance gets to step in and get the job done.
They can, however, gum up the works a bit by delaying the process – and that’s precisely what they did in the confirmation of Kash Patel as director of the FBI. The upper chamber’s Judiciary Committee met Thursday, February 6, in what was widely expected to result in Patel being advanced to the floor, where he would sail smoothly through. That, however, was not how it turned out.
According to panel rules, a member can delay a vote for a week by request, but it can only be done once per nominee. Now Patel’s advancement will be “held over” until Thursday, February 13, and that vote is still expected to go in his favor, as is the final confirmation. Democrats did the same thing with Attorney General Pam Bondi in January. They couldn’t stop her confirmation any more than they will Patel’s, but they can push it back a week.
This delay tactic could cost the Trump team one additional week per nominee, and it should come as no surprise if it is used on Tulsi Gabbard and Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. in the coming weeks as well.
Chaos in the GOP Congress
Chaos reigns in the majority party, as well. The GOP-controlled House insists on being the first to pass a budget bill, but the members can’t seem to agree on how it should look. Rather than wait, Senate Republicans are hoping to get their own version of the reconciliation bill passed first, then let the House catch up from there.
Senate Republicans pressed Trump to take their side in the dispute during a meeting at Mar-a-Lago on Friday, February 7. “In the end it will take presidential leadership,” Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI) told the press. “He might have to twist them hard.”
“There’s still differing opinions and no single clear option as to one bill, two bills, three bills for reconciliation. We need to talk about spending levels generally, plan for debt ceiling,” another lawmaker explained.
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) didn’t want to wait any longer. He released a 61-page bill on Friday that includes priorities on the border, energy, and defense. Senate Republicans plan to move ahead with this bill, while the House GOP still insists the lower chamber gets to go first. Would the House agree to the legislation should the Senate pass it – or will they reject it, delaying the president’s legislative agenda even longer?
From TDS-inspired impeachments and the minority party dragging its feet to intraparty arguments in the GOP majority, this new Congress seems to be blending the worst elements of those that came before, during the first Trump years and through the Biden presidency. But, of course, what else should we expect?
